Sexual abuse is widely recognized as a significant problem in society. Juveniles1 who commit sex offenses have victimized many people. Federal Bureau of Investigation data (as cited in Sipe, Jensen, and Everett, 1998) indicate that in 1995, 15.8 percent of arrests for forcible rape and 17 percent of arrests for all other sex offenses involved persons under 18 years old. Furthermore, Becker, Cunningham-Rouleau, and Kaplan (as cited in Prentky et al., 2000) reported that 79 percent of their sample of juvenile sex offenders had been arrested for a prior sex offense. Similarly, Groth (as cited in Prentky et al., 2000) found that nearly 75 percent of his sample of juvenile sex offenders had committed a prior sexual assault.
Studies of adult sex offenders (who were assured that the information they provided would remain confidential) also support the conclusion that sexual abuse by juveniles is a serious problem. This research suggests that approximately half of these individuals began their sexually abusive behavior before adulthood (Abel, Mittelman, and Becker, 1985; Groth, Longo, and McFadin, 1982; Saylor, as cited in Smith and Monastersky, 1986). Studies of juveniles and adults who committed sex offenses as juveniles indicate that juvenile sex offending includes a wide range of sexual misconduct. Offenses included noncontact sexual behaviors (such as exhibitionism and voyeurism), child molestation, and rape (Abel, Osborn, and Twigg, 1993; Righthand, Hennings, and Wigley, 1989). Research has shown that the sexual behavior problems exhibited by these juveniles are "not simply isolated incidents involving normally developing adolescents" (Fehrenbach et al., 1986, p. 231).
The scope of the problem may be underestimated because juvenile sex offenders who become known to the system may represent only a small proportion of juveniles who have committed such offenses. Knight and Prentky (1993) found that only 37 percent of the adult sex offenders in their sample had official records documenting juvenile sex offending histories. In contrast, when these subjects completed a computer-generated questionnaire and were assured that their responses would remain confidential, 55 percent acknowledged engaging in sexually abusive behavior as juveniles.
The importance of early intervention with juveniles who evidence sexual behavior problems cannot be overstated. As noted by Abel, Osborn, and Twigg (1993)—
If an individual begins to engage in such behaviors and is not subject to intervention and/or negative consequences for such actions, he will be reinforced by the innate positive reinforcers of the sexual act. These inherent positive reinforcers include, but are not limited to, the pleasure of orgasm, the pleasure of stress reduction, and the feeling of power the individual may feel over another person. (p. 15)
The costs of sex offending are substantial for victims and society and for the young offenders and their families. In addition to the human costs in terms of emotional and physical anguish and suffering, staggering financial costs are incurred as a result of child welfare and juvenile and criminal justice system involvement, therapeutic intervention, and so forth (Prentky and Burgess, 1990). To minimize these costs, timely and appropriate interventions are needed.
A review of the professional literature suggests that developers of programs to meet the perceived needs of these young offenders frequently have applied knowledge and interventions designed for adult offenders without considering the developmental issues and needs unique to juveniles. Only recently have a growing number of professionals pointed to the empirical literature to emphasize that, especially when it comes to juveniles, research has not supported the notion that "once a sex offender, always a sex offender" (Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers, 1997b; Becker, 1998). The longitudinal research necessary to conclusively support such a hypothesis has not been conducted (Becker, 1998).
In addition, there are important distinctions that differentiate juveniles from adult sex offenders (Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers, 1997b; Becker, 1998; Bonner, 1997). In fact, the appropriateness and ethics of the term "juvenile sex offender" have been called into question (Bonner, 1997). Language describing these young people as children or teenagers who have been sexually abusive (rather than as juvenile sex offenders) holds them accountable for their behavior yet does not suggest that they are and always will be disreputable sex offenders. Language that emphasizes the behavior rather than the person may help to avoid self-fulfilling prophecies that can contribute to offending behavior by promoting the belief that a person can never be more than his or her past. When the past includes sex offending, this can be a hopeless and esteem-deflating perspective.
Because most papers and studies in the literature have used the term "juvenile sex offenders," this term will be used, at times, in this review. Yet, it is important to consider the impact of language and begin to make appropriate changes.
1 Historically, most studies have focused on males, although some, particularly those that describe the characteristics of juveniles who commit sex offenses, have also included females. In this review, among the studies specifying that both males and females were included (or publications citing such studies) are the following: Becker and Hunter, 1997; Bourke and Donohue, 1996; Bumby and Bumby, 1997; English and Ray (as cited in Araji, 1997); Fehrenbach et al., 1986; Fehrenbach and Monastersky (as cited in Bumby and Bumby, 1997); Hunter, Lexier, Goodwin, Browne, and Dennis (as cited in Bumby and Bumby, 1997); Johnson (as cited in Lane and Lobanov-Rostovsky, 1997); Kahn and Chambers, 1991; Gray et al., 1997; Lane and Lobanov-Rostovsky, 1997; Mathews, Hunter, and Vuz, 1997; McCurry et al., 1998; Morenz and Becker, 1995; Ray and English, 1995; Righthand, Hennings, and Wigley, 1989; Ryan et al., 1996; Smith and Israel, 1987; and Weinrott, 1996.